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Few subjects in modern Middle Eastern history generate as much debate as the collapse of the Ottoman Empire and the political order that emerged in its aftermath.
One interpretation that frequently appears in political discourse is that Britain played a decisive role in the rise of the Saudi state while simultaneously pursuing policies that supported the Zionist movement in Palestine. Some commentators go further, arguing that these developments formed part of a broader and coherent British strategy for the region.
Supporters of this view often cite four key historical documents: the McMahon-Hussein Correspondence, the Treaty of Darin, the Sykes-Picot Agreement, and the Balfour Declaration. These documents are authentic and remain central to scholarly discussions of the modern Middle East. The question, however, is whether they support the broader conclusions often drawn from them.
Examining these sources within their historical context provides a clearer understanding of both the evidence and its limitations.
Britain's Commitment to Sharif Hussein
During the First World War, Britain sought Arab support against the Ottoman Empire, which had entered the conflict on the side of the Central Powers. To encourage an Arab revolt, Sir Henry McMahon, Britain's High Commissioner in Egypt, exchanged a series of letters with Sharif Hussein bin Ali of Mecca between 1915 and 1916.[1]
The correspondence outlined British support for Arab independence in exchange for Arab participation in a revolt against Ottoman rule.[1] Sharif Hussein accepted these assurances and subsequently became a leading figure in the Arab Revolt of 1916.[2]
Controversy emerged after the war. Arab leaders argued that Britain's promises encompassed Palestine, while British officials later maintained that Palestine had been excluded from the areas under discussion.[1][2]
Because of ambiguities in the wording of the correspondence, historians continue to debate precisely what Britain promised and how Sharif Hussein understood those commitments at the time.[2]
Britain's Relationship with King Abdulaziz Ibn Saud
While Britain was corresponding with Sharif Hussein, it was also cultivating relations with Abdulaziz Ibn Saud, later known as King Abdulaziz, founder of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia.
On 26 December 1915, Britain and Ibn Saud signed the Treaty of Darin.[3] Under the agreement, Britain recognized Ibn Saud's authority in Najd and provided financial and military assistance. In return, Ibn Saud accepted a formal relationship with Britain and agreed to cooperate with British strategic interests in the region.[3][4]
Historians generally agree that British support strengthened Ibn Saud's position during a period of regional competition. However, scholarly interpretations differ regarding Britain's long-term intentions.
Some historians view the treaty primarily as a wartime arrangement aimed at securing British interests in the Gulf and undermining Ottoman influence.[4] Others argue that British officials increasingly regarded Ibn Saud as a valuable political partner whose influence could contribute to regional stability from the perspective of British strategic interests.[10]
Importantly, the treaty itself contains no explicit reference to Zionism, Palestine, or any future Jewish state.[3]
The Sykes-Picot Agreement
In 1916, Britain and France negotiated the secret Sykes-Picot Agreement, which outlined proposed zones of influence in Ottoman territories following an anticipated Allied victory.[5]
Although the final political settlement differed from the original plan, the agreement became a powerful symbol of European intervention in the Middle East. For many Arab observers, it represented evidence that major powers were determining the region's future without meaningful consultation with local populations.[5][6]
The agreement remains one of the most frequently cited examples of imperial diplomacy in discussions of the modern Middle East.[6]
The Balfour Declaration
In November 1917, British Foreign Secretary Arthur James Balfour issued a declaration expressing British support for the establishment of a "national home for the Jewish people" in Palestine.[7]
The Balfour Declaration is widely regarded as one of the most consequential documents in the history of the Arab-Israeli conflict.[7][8]
Supporters viewed it as recognition of Jewish national aspirations, while critics argued that Britain was making commitments concerning a territory whose Arab population had not been consulted.[8]
The declaration also raised fundamental questions regarding the relationship between Britain's wartime commitments to Arab leaders and its support for Zionist aspirations in Palestine. Historians continue to debate the extent to which British policymakers viewed these objectives as compatible and whether they fully anticipated the tensions that would emerge in subsequent decades.[7][10]
The Rise of the Saudi State
Following the First World War, several political forces competed for influence in the Arabian Peninsula. Among the most significant were the Hashemite rulers of the Hijaz, the Al Rashid dynasty in Hail, and Abdulaziz Ibn Saud in Najd.[9][11]
Throughout the 1920s, Ibn Saud consolidated and expanded his authority through military campaigns, tribal alliances, religious legitimacy, and political strategy.[9][11] By 1925, he controlled the Hijaz, including the holy cities of Mecca and Medina.[9]
In 1932, he formally unified his territories under the name Kingdom of Saudi Arabia.[9]
Most historians acknowledge that British diplomatic recognition, financial support, and political engagement contributed to the environment in which Ibn Saud achieved success.[4][9] However, many scholars caution against viewing the kingdom solely as a British creation. Ibn Saud's achievements also reflected local political dynamics, military effectiveness, tribal support, and his own leadership capabilities.[9][10]
This remains one of the central debates in the historiography of modern Arabia.
Does the Evidence Demonstrate That Saudi Arabia Was Created to Protect Israel?
This is where the historical record becomes less definitive.
There is substantial evidence that Britain pursued strategic interests throughout the Middle East, maintained relationships with multiple Arab leaders, and supported the establishment of a Jewish national home in Palestine.[3][5][7]
There is also considerable evidence that British policy influenced the political development of the region and shaped many of its modern institutions and boundaries.[5][6][10]
What is more difficult to establish is the specific claim that Saudi Arabia was founded for the purpose of protecting Israel.
The principal documents commonly cited in support of this argument do not explicitly make such a claim.[1][3][5][7] Rather, proponents of this interpretation derive their conclusions from the cumulative effect of British policies and the outcomes that followed.
Some commentators find this interpretation persuasive. Many professional historians remain unconvinced that the available documentary evidence demonstrates such a direct causal relationship.[9][10]
As is often the case in historical analysis, there is a distinction between documented events and interpretations of motive.
Conclusion
There is little dispute that Britain played a major role in reshaping the Middle East during and after the First World War.
British officials negotiated with Arab leaders, entered into agreements with regional rulers, coordinated plans with European allies, and supported the establishment of a Jewish national home in Palestine.[1][3][5][7]
These actions had profound and lasting consequences for the region.
At the same time, the emergence of Saudi Arabia cannot be explained exclusively through British policy. The rise of King Abdulaziz was also shaped by regional rivalries, military success, tribal politics, religious movements, and decisions made by local actors themselves.[9][11]
The primary sources provide valuable evidence regarding what occurred. They are less conclusive when it comes to establishing intentions and long-term strategic objectives.
For that reason, debates over Britain's role in the formation of modern Saudi Arabia are likely to continue. The historical record contains substantial evidence of British influence. Whether that influence amounted to the deliberate creation of a state intended to serve future Israeli interests remains a matter of interpretation rather than established historical consensus.
References
[1] Yale Law School Avalon Project. The McMahon-Hussein Correspondence (1915-1916).
https://avalon.law.yale.edu/20th_century/hussein.asp
[2] Encyclopaedia Britannica. Hussein-McMahon Correspondence.
https://www.britannica.com/topic/Husayn-McMahon-correspondence
[3] Treaty of Darin (1915). Historical overview.
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Treaty_of_Darin
[4] Silverfarb, Daniel. The Anglo-Najd Treaty of December 1915. Middle Eastern Studies. JSTOR.
https://www.jstor.org/stable/4282790
[5] Yale Law School Avalon Project. The Sykes-Picot Agreement (1916).
https://avalon.law.yale.edu/20th_century/sykes.asp
[6] Encyclopaedia Britannica. Sykes-Picot Agreement.
https://www.britannica.com/event/Sykes-Picot-Agreement
[7] Yale Law School Avalon Project. The Balfour Declaration (1917).
https://avalon.law.yale.edu/20th_century/balfour.asp
[8] British Library. The Balfour Declaration.
https://www.bl.uk/collection-items/the-balfour-declaration
[9] Encyclopaedia Britannica. History of Saudi Arabia.
https://www.britannica.com/topic/history-of-Saudi-Arabia
[10] Fromkin, David. A Peace to End All Peace: The Fall of the Ottoman Empire and the Creation of the Modern Middle East.
https://www.penguinrandomhouse.com/books/164020/a-peace-to-end-all-peace-by-david-fromkin/
[11] Al-Rasheed, Madawi. A History of Saudi Arabia. Cambridge University Press.
https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/history-of-saudi-arabia/
Further Reading
Teitelbaum, Joshua. The Rise and Fall of the Hashemite Kingdom of Arabia.
https://nyupress.org/9780814782775/the-rise-and-fall-of-the-hashemite-kingdom-of-arabia/Encyclopaedia Britannica. Saudi Arabia.
https://www.britannica.com/place/Saudi-Arabia
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